鸟大大影院

Table of contents

Introduction

Education policies

Women in the Fatimid dynasty

Sulayhid dynasty – early accounts

Yemen

Sulayman b. 士Abd Allah al-Zawahi

Asma bint Shihab

Al-Sayyida al-Hurra

The re-establishment of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补

Hurra’s ascension in the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补

Responsibilities

Nizari-Musta士li schism

Al-Afdal

Collapse of the Fatimid Empire

Musta士lian schism

Al-Tayyib

Tayyibi 诲补士飞补

End of the Sulayhid Dynasty

Endnotes

Introduction

Few women rose to positions of political prominence in the medieval聽dar al-Islam, and, perhaps with the major exception of Sayyida Hurra, none can be cited for having attained leadership in the religious domain. A host of diverse factors have accounted for a lack of active participation of women in the political and religious affairs of the Islamic world during the medieval and later times; and the associated complex issues are still being debated among scholars of different disciplines and among Muslims themselves. Be that as it may, there were occasional exceptions to this rule in the medieval聽dar al-Islam, indicating that opportunities did in principle exist for capable women to occupy positions of public prominence under special circumstances. This article briefly investigates the career and times of the foremost member of this select group, namely the queen Sayyida Hurra who, in a unique instance in the entire history of medieval Islam, combined in her person the political as well as the de facto religious leadership of Sulayhid Yemen; and in both these functions was closely associated with the Fatimid dynasty and the headquarters of the Isma士ili 诲补士飞补 or mission centered at Cairo.

Education Policies

罢丑别听FatimidsMajor Muslim dynasty of Ismaili caliphs in North Africa (from 909) and later in Egypt (973鈥�1171) More, who established their own Isma士ili Shi士i聽caliphate聽in rivalry with the Sunni 士Abbasids, were renowned for their tolerance towards other religious communities, permitting meritorious non- Isma士ili Muslims and even non-Muslims to occupy the position 辞蹿听惫颈锄颈别谤听and other high offices in their state. As part of their general concern with education, the聽Fatimids聽also adopted unprecedented policies for the education of women. From early on in the reign of die founder of the dynasty, 士Abd Allah [‘Ubayd Allah) al-Mahdi (297-322/909-34), the聽Fatimids聽organized popular instruction for women.1聽And from the time of al-Mu士izz (341- 65/953-75), who transferred the seat of the Fatimid State to Egypt and founded the city of Cairo, more formal instruction was developed for women, culminating in the聽尘补箩补濒颈蝉听补濒-丑颈办尘补聽[sessions of wisdom] on Isma士ili doctrines. Al-Maqrizi (d. 845/1442),2聽quoting al-Musabbihi (d. 420/ 1029) and other contemporary Fatimid chroniclers, has preserved valuable details on these lectures which were delivered regularly on a weekly basis under the direction of the Fatimid chief聽诲补士颈, the administrative head of the Fatimid Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽organization. The entire program was also closely scrutinized by the Fatimid caliph-imam, the spiritual head of the聽诲补士飞补. The sessions, organized separately for women and men, were arranged in terms of systematic courses on different subjects and according to the participants’ degree of learning. Large numbers of women and men were instructed in various locations. For women, there were sessions at the mosque 辞蹿听al-AzharA major mosque and institution of learning founded in Cairo by the Fatimid Imam-caliph al-Mu士izz (d. 975)., while the Fatimid and other noble women received their lectures in a special hall at the Fatimid palace. As reported by Ibn al-Tuwayr (d. 617/1220), special education for women evidently continued under the聽Fatimids聽until the fall of their dynasty in 567/ 1171.3

Women in the Fatimid Dynasty

As a result of these educational policies and the generally tolerant attitudes of the聽Fatimids, there were many educated women in the Fatimid royal household and at least some among them who were also endowed with leadership qualities did manage to acquire political supremacy. In this regard, particular mention should be made of the shrewd Sitt al-Mulk, the sister of the Fatimid聽caliph聽颈尘补尘听al-Hakim (386-411/996-1021), who ruled efficiently as the virtual head of the Fatimid state in the capacity of regent during the first four years of the聽caliphate聽of al-Hakim’s son and successor, al-Zahir, until her death in 415/1024. There was also al-Mustansir’s mother, who although not brought up in Egypt did become a powerful regent during the first decade of her son’s聽caliphate聽(427-87/1036-94); and subsequently, in 436/1044, all political power was openly seized and retained by her for a long period. It is significant to note that tile ascendancy of these women to political prominence was not challenged by the Fatimid establishment or the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽organization; and, in time, al-Mustansir not only acknowledged Sayyida Hurra’s political leadership in Yemen but also accorded the Sulayhid queen special religious authority over the Isma士ili communities of Yemen and Gujarat. It is indeed within this general Fatimid Isma士ili milieu that the queen Sayyida’s status and achievements can be better understood and evaluated in their historical context.

Sulayhid dynasty 鈥� early accounts

The earliest accounts of the Sulayhid dynasty, the queen Sayyida’s career, and the contemporary Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽in Yemen are contained in the historical work of Najm聽al-Din聽士Umara b. 士Ali al-Hakami聽4聽the Yemenite historian and poet who emigrated to Egypt and was executed in Cairo in 569/1174 for his involvement in a plot to restore the聽Fatimids聽to power. Isma士ili historical writings on the聽Sulayhids聽and on the contemporary Isma士ilis of Yemen are, as expected, rather meager. Our chief Isma士ili authority here is again the Yemenite Idris ‘Imad al聽Din聽(d. 872/1468), who as the nineteenth chief聽诲补士颈聽of the Tayyibi Isma士ili community was well-informed about the earlier history of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补. In the final, seventh volume of his comprehensive Isma士ili history entitled聽士Uyun al-akhbar, which is still in manuscript form, Idris has detailed accounts of the聽Sulayhids聽and the revitalization of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽in Yemen under the queen Sayyida; here I have used a manuscript of this work from the collections of the Institute of Ismaili Studies Library.5聽In modern times, the best scholarly accounts of the聽Sulayhids聽and the queen Sayyida as well as the early history of Isma士ilism in Yemen have been produced by Husain F. al-Hamdani (1901-62), one of the pioneers of modern Isma士ili studies who based his work on a valuable collection of Isma士ili manuscripts preserved in his family.聽6

Yemen

Yemen was one of the regions where the early Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽achieved particular success. As a result of the activities of the聽诲补士颈s聽Ibn Hawshab Mansur al-Yaman and 士Ali b. al-Fadl, the聽诲补士飞补聽was preached openly in Yemen already in 270/883; and by 293/905-06, when Ibn a-Fadl occupied San士a示, almost all of Yemen was controlled by the Isma士ilis. Later, the Isma士ilis lost the bulk of their conquered territories to the Zaydi imams and other local dynasties of Yemen. With the death of Ibn Hawshab in 302/914 and the collapse of the Isma士ili state in Yemen, the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽continued there in a dormant fashion for over a century. From this obscure period in the history of Yemenite Isma士ilism, when the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补聽continued to receive much secret support from different tribes, especially the Band Hamdan, only the names of the Yemenite chief聽da士is聽have been preserved.聽7

Sulayman b. 士Abd Allah al-Zawahi

By the time of the Fatimid caliph-imam al-Zahir (411-27/1021-36), when Yemen was ruled by the聽Zaydis, the Najahids, and other local dynasties, the leadership of the Yemenite 诲补士飞补 had come to be vested in the 诲补士颈 Sulayman b. 士Abd Allah al-Zawahi, who was based in the mountainous region 辞蹿听Haraz. Sulayman chose as his successor 士Ali b. Muhammad al-Sulayhi, the son of the聽辩补诲颈听辞蹿听Haraz, and an important Hamdani chief from the clan of Yam who had been the 诲补士颈’s assistant. In 429/1038, the 诲补士颈 士Ali b. Muhammad al-Sulayhi rose in Masar, a locality in聽Haraz聽where he had constructed fortifications, marking the foundation of the Isma士ili Sulayhid dynasty. With much support from the Hamdani, Himyari and other Yemenite tribes. 士Ali b. Muhammad soon started his rapid conquest of Yemen, and by 455/1063, he had subjugated all of Yemen. Recognizing the suzerainty of the Fatimid caliph-imam, 士Ali chose San士a示 as his capital and instituted the Fatimid Isma士ili聽办丑耻迟产补听throughout his dominions. 罢丑别听Sulayhids聽ruled over Yemen as vassals of the聽Fatimids聽for almost one century. Sulayhid rule was effectively terminated in 532/1138, on the death of the queen Sayyida, the most capable member of the dynasty.

Asma bint Shihab

士Ali b. Muhammad al-Sulayhi was married to his cousin Asma bint Shihab, a remarkable woman in her own right. Noted for her independent character, Asma took an active part in the affairs of the state and also played an important role in the education of Sayyida Hurra, who was brought up under her care at the Sulayhid court. 士Ali al-Sulayhi fell victim to a tribal vendetta and was murdered by the Najahids of Zabid in 459/1067; he was succeeded by his son Ahmad al-Mukarram (d. 477/1084), who received his investiture from the Fatimid caliph-imam al-Mustansir. The queen Asma assisted her son Ahmad, as she had assisted her husband, until her death in 467/1074. Thereafter, Ahmad’s wife, Sayyida Hurra, became the effective ruler of Sulayhid Yemen.

Al-Sayyida al-Hurra

The queen [al-malika] al-Sayyida al-Hurra [the Noble Lady] al-Sulayhi, who evidently also carried the name Arwa, was born in 440/1048 (or less probably in 444/1052) in聽HarazA mountainous region in Yemen.. As noted, her early education was supervised by her future mother-in-law, Asma, who as a role model must have had great influence on Sayyida’s character. Ahmad al-Mukarram, who proved to be an incapable ruler, married Sayyida in 458/1066. The sources unanimously report that Sayyida was not only endowed with striking beauty, but was also noted for her courage, integrity, piety, and independent character as well as intelligence. In addition, she was a woman of high literary expertise. Almost immediately on Asma’s death, Sayyida consolidated the reins of the Sulayhid state in her own hands and had her name mentioned in the聽办丑耻迟产补听after that of the Fatimid caliph-imam al-Mustansir. Ahmad al-Mukarram, who had been afflicted with facial paralysis resulting from war injuries, now retired completely from public life while remaining the nominal ruler of the Sulayhid state. One of Sayyida’s first acts was to transfer the seat of the Sulayhid state from San士a示 to Dhu Jibla. She built a new palace there and transformed the old palace into a great mosque where she was eventually buried.

The re-establishment of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽

In the meantime, the foundation of the Sulayhid dynasty had marked the initiation of a new, open phase in the activities of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽in Yemen; and the reinvigoration of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补聽continued unabated in Sayyida’s time under the close supervision of the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补聽headquarters in Cairo. The founder of the Sulayhid dynasty, 士Ali b. Muhammad al-Sulayhi, had been the head of the state [dawlaA state or dynasty. Also used to refer to the domain of politics (siyasa).] as well as the聽诲补士飞补; he was at once the聽尘补濒颈办听辞谤听蝉耻濒迟补苍听and the chief聽诲补士颈聽of Yemen. Subsequently, this arrangement went through several phases, leading to an entirely independent status for the head of the聽诲补士飞补.8聽In 454/1062, 士Ali sent Lamak b. Malik al-Hammadi, then chief聽辩补诲颈听of Yemen, on a diplomatic mission to Cairo to prepare for his own visit there. For unknown reasons, however, 士Ali’s visit to the Fatimid headquarters never materialized, and the聽辩补诲颈听Lamak remained in Egypt for almost five years, staying with the Fatimid聽诲补士颈 al-du士at, al-Mu’ayyad fi’l聽Din聽al-Shirazi (d. 470/1078), at the聽Dar al-士Ilm, which then also served as the administrative headquarters of the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补. Al-Mu士ayyad instructed Lamak in Isma士ili doctrines, as he had Nasir-i Khusraw, the renowned Isma士ili聽诲补士颈聽and philosopher of Badakhshan, about a decade earlier. Lamak returned to Yemen with a valuable collection of Isma士ili texts soon after 士Ali al-Sulayhi’s murder in 459/1067, having now been appointed as the chief聽诲补士颈聽of Yemen. Lamak, designated as聽诲补士颈 al-balagh, henceforth acted as the executive head of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补, while Ahmad al-Mukarram succeeded his father merely as the head of state. The exceptionally close ties between the聽Sulayhids聽and the聽Fatimids聽are well attested to by numerous letters and epistles [sijillat] sent from the Fatimid chancery to the聽Sulayhids聽士Ali, Ahmad, and Sayyida, mostly on the orders of al-Mustansir.9

Hurra’s ascension in the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补聽

It is a testimony to Sayyida Hurra’s capabilities that, from the time of her assumption of effective political authority, she also came to play an increasingly important role in the affairs of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补, which culminated in her appointment as the聽丑耻箩箩补听of Yemen by the Fatimid al-Mustansir shortly after the death of her husband in 477/1084. It is to be noted that in the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补聽hierarchy, this rank was higher than that of the聽诲补士颈 al-balagh聽accorded to Lamak.10聽In other words, Sayyida now held the highest rank in the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补. More significantly, this represented the first application of the rank of,聽hujja, or indeed any high rank in the Isma士ili hierarchy, to a woman; a truly unique event in the history of Isma士ilism.

In the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补聽organization, the non-Fatimid regions of the world were divided into twelve聽jaziras, or islands; each聽jazira, representing a separate and independent region for the propagation of the聽诲补士飞补, was placed under the jurisdiction of a high ranking聽诲补士颈聽designated as聽hujja. Yemen does not appear among the known Fatimid lists of these聽jaziras.11聽However, it seems that the term聽丑耻箩箩补听was also used in a more limited sense in reference to the highest Isma士ili dignitary of some particular regions; and it was in this sense that Sayyida was designated as the聽丑耻箩箩补听of Yemen, much in the same way that her contemporary Fatimid聽诲补士颈聽of the eastern Iranian lands, Nasir-i Khusraw, was known as the聽丑耻箩箩补听辞蹿听KhurasanThe northeastern region of early Islamic Persia, immediately south of Transoxania and west of Badakhshan. More. At any event, the聽丑耻箩箩补听was the highest representative of the聽诲补士飞补聽in any particular region. In addition to the testimony of the聽诲补士颈聽Idris, the Fatimid al-Mustansir’s designation of Sayyida as the聽丑耻箩箩补听of Yemen is corroborated by the contemporary Yemenite Isma士ili author al Khattab b. al-Hasan (d. 533/1138), who uses various arguments in support of this appointment and insists that even a woman could hold that rank.12

Responsibilities

The queen Sayyida was also officially put in charge of the affairs of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽in western India by the Fatimid caliph-imam al-Mustansir.13聽罢丑别听Sulayhids聽had evidently with the approval of the Fatimid聽诲补士飞补聽headquarters supervised the selection and dispatch 辞蹿听诲补士颈s聽to Gujarat in western India. Sayyida now played a particularly crucial role in the Fatimids’ renewed efforts in al-Mustansir’s time to spread Isma士ilism on the Indian subcontinent. As a result of these Sulayhid efforts, a new Isma士ili community was founded in Gujarat by the聽诲补士颈s聽sent from Yemen starting around 460/1067-68. 罢丑别听诲补士飞补聽in western India maintained its close ties with Yemen in the time of the queen Sayyida; and the Isma士ili community founded there in the second half of the fifth/eleventh century evolved into the modern 罢补测测颈产颈听Bohra聽community. It should be added in passing that the extension of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽in Yemen and Gujarat in al Mustansir’s time may have been directly related to the development of new Fatimid commercial interests which necessitated the utilization of Yemen as a safe base along the Red Sea trade route to India.

Nizari-Musta士li schism

It was also in Sayyida’s time that the Nizari-Musta士li schism of 487/1094 occurred in Isma士ilism. This schism, revolving around al-Mustansir’s succession, split the then unified Isma士ili community into two rival factions, the Musta士liyya who recognized al-Mustansir’s successor on the Fatimid throne, al-Musta士li, also as their聽imamIn general usage, a leader of prayers or religious leader. The Shi’i restrict the term to their spiritual leaders descended from 士Al墨 b. Ab墨 峁乴ib and the Prophet’s daughter, Fatima.; and the聽NizariyyaAdherents of a branch of the Ismailis who gave allegiance to Nizar, the eldest son of the Fatimid Imam-caliph al-Mustan峁r (d. 1094) as his successor., who upheld the rights of al-Mustansir’s eldest son and original heir-designate, Nizar, who had been set aside by force through the machinations of the all-powerful Fatimid聽惫颈锄颈别谤听al-Afdal. After the failure of his brief revolt, Nizar himself was captured and murdered in Cairo in 488/1095.

Due to the close relations between Sulayhid Yemen and Fatimid Egypt, the queen Sayyida recognized al-Musta士li as the legitimate聽颈尘补尘听after al-Mustansir. She, thus, retained her ties with Cairo and the聽诲补士飞补聽headquarters there, which now served as the center of the Musta士lian聽诲补士飞补. As a result of Sayyida’s decision, the Isma士ili communities of Yemen and Gujarat along with the bulk of the Isma’ilis of Egypt and Syria joined the Musta士lian camp without any dissent. By contrast, the Isma士ilis of the eastern lands, situated in the Saljuk dominions, who were then under the leadership of Hasan-i Sabbah (d. 518/1124), championed the cause of Nizar and refused to recognize the Fatimid聽caliph聽al-Musta’li’s聽imamate. Hasan-i Sabbah, who had already been following an independent revolutionary policy from his mountain headquarters at聽Alamut聽in northern Persia, completely severed his relations with Cairo; he had now in fact founded the independent Nizari聽诲补士飞补, similarly to what the queen Sayyida was to do for the Musta士li-罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽a few decades later.

Al-Afdal

The queen Sayyida remained close to the Fatimid al-Musta士li (487-95/1094-1101) and his successor al-Amir (495-524/1101-30), who addressed her with several honorific titles.14聽Until his death in 515/1121, the聽惫颈锄颈别谤听and commander of the armies, al-Afdal, was however the effective ruler of Fatimid Egypt, also supervising the affairs of the Musta士lian聽诲补士飞补. During this period, the Fatimid state had embarked on its rapid decline, which was accentuated by encounters with the聽CrusadersA term applied to Christian invaders who carried out numerous campaigns to capture Jerusalem and Palestine from the Muslims in the 11th and 14th centuries CE.. Egypt was in fact invaded temporarily in 511/1117 by Baldwin I, king of the Latin state of Jerusalem. In Yemen, too, the Sulayhid state had come under pressures from the聽Zaydis聽and others, while several influential Yemenite tribal chiefs had challenged without much immediate success Sayyida’s authority. In particular, the聽辩补诲颈听士Imran, who had earlier supported the聽SulayhidsAn Ismaili dynasty in Yemen (1038-1138)., attempted to rally the various Hamdani clans against her. In addition to resenting the authority of a female ruler, he also had his differences with the聽诲补士颈聽Lamak. As a result of these challenges, the聽Sulayhids聽eventually lost San士a示 to a new Hamdani dynasty supported by the family of the聽辩补诲颈听士Imran. Meanwhile, Sayyida had continued to look after the affairs of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补聽with the collaboration of its executive head, Lamak; and on Lamak’s death around 491/1098, his son Yahya took administrative charge of the聽诲补士飞补聽until his own death in 520/1126.

There are indications suggesting that during the final years of al-Afdal’s聽vizierate, relations deteriorated between the Sulayhid queen and the Fatimid court. It was perhaps due to this fact that in 513/1119 Ibn Najib al-Dawla was dispatched from Cairo to Yemen to bring the Sulayhid state under greater control of the聽Fatimids. However, Ibn Najib al-聽Dawla聽and his Armenian soldiers made themselves very unpopular in Yemen, and the queen attempted to get rid of him. In 519/1125, Ibn Najib al-Dawla, whose Yemenite mission had been reconfirmed by al-Afdal’s successor, al-Ma’mun, was recalled to Cairo, and was drowned on the return journey. By the final years of al-Amir’s rule, the queen Sayyida had developed a deep distrust of the聽Fatimids聽and was prepared to assert her independence from the Fatimid establishment. The opportunity for this decision came with the death of al-Amir and the Hafizi-Tayyibi schism in Musta士lian Isma士ilism. Meanwhile, on the death of the聽诲补士颈聽Yahya b. Lamak al-Hammadi in 520/1126, his assistant聽诲补士颈, al-Dhu’ayb b. Musa al-Wadi士i al-Hamdani, became the executive head of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补. This appointment had received the prior approval of both the queen Sayyida and the聽诲补士颈聽Yahya.

Collapse of the Fatimid Empire

Al-Amir, the tenth Fatimid聽caliph聽and the twentieth聽颈尘补尘听of the Musta’lian Isma士ilis, was assassinated in Dhu’l-Qa士da 524/October 1130. Henceforth, the Fatimid聽caliphate聽embarked on its final phase of decline and collapse, marked by numerous dynastic, religious, political, and military crises, while a new schism further weakened the Musta士lian 诲补士飞补. According to the Musta士li-Tayyibi tradition, a son named al-Tayyib had been born to al-Amir a few months before his death. This is supported by an epistle of al-Amir sent by a certain聽Sharif聽Muhammad b. Haydara to the Sulayhid queen of Yemen, announcing the birth of Abu’l-Qasim al-Tayyib in Rabi士 II 524AH.15聽The historical reality of al-Tayyib is also attested to by Ibn Muyassar (d. 677/1278).16聽and other historians. At any rate, al-Tayyib was immediately designated as al-Amir’s heir. On al-Amir’s death, however, power was assumed by his cousin, Abu’l-Maymun 士Abd al-Majid, who was later in 526/1132 proclaimed聽caliph聽and聽颈尘补尘听with the title al-Hafiz聽al-Din聽Allah.

Musta士lian schism

The proclamation of al-Hafiz as聽caliph聽and聽颈尘补尘听caused a major schism in the Musta士lian community. In particular, his claim to the聽imamate, even though he was not a direct descendant of the previous Musta士lian聽imam, received the support of the official聽诲补士飞补聽organization in Cairo and the majority of the Musta士lian Isma士ilis of Egypt and Syria, who became known as the聽HafiziyyaA branch of Musta鈥榣i Ismailis. Upon the death of the twentieth Imam of the Musta鈥榣i Ismailis, Fatimid Caliph al-鈥楢mir bi-Ahkam Allah, the official Musta鈥榣i da鈥榳a in Cairo, along with the…. The situation was quite different in Yemen. There, a bitter contest rooted in power politics ensued within the Musta士lian community. As a result, the Yemenite Isma士ilis, who had always been closely connected with the聽诲补士飞补聽headquarters in Cairo, split into two factions. The Sulayhid queen, who had already become disillusioned with Cairo, readily championed the cause of al-Tayyib, recognizing him as al-Amir’s successor to the聽imamate. These Isma士ilis were initially known as the Amiriyya, but subsequently, after the establishment of the independent 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽in Yemen, they became designated as the聽Tayyibiyya. Sayyida now became the official leader of the Tayyibi faction in Yemen, severing her ties with Cairo, similarly to what Hasan-i Sabbah had done in Persia on al-Mustansir’s death in 487/1094. Sayyida’s decision was fully endorsed by the聽诲补士颈聽al-Dhu’ayb, the administrative head of the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补. By contrast, the Zuray士ids of 士Adan and some of the Hamdanids of San士a示, who had won their independence from the聽Sulayhids, now supported聽Hafizi聽lsma士ilism, recognizing al-Hafiz, and later Fatimid caliphs as their imams.聽Hafizi聽lsma士ilism, tied to the Fatimid regime, disappeared soon after the collapse of the Fatimid dynasty in 567/1171 and the Ayyubid invasion of southern Arabia in 569/1173. But the 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补, initiated by Sayyida, survived in Yemen with its headquarters remaining in聽Haraz. Due to the close ties between Sulayhid Yemen and Gujarat, the Tayyibi cause was also upheld in western India, which was eventually to account for the bulk of the Tayyibi Isma士ilis, known there as Bohras.

Al-Tayyib

Nothing is known about the fate of al-Tayyib, who seems to have been murdered in his infancy on al-Hafiz’s order. It is, however, the belief of the聽Tayyibis聽that al-Tayyib survived and went into concealment; and that the聽imamate聽subsequently continued secretly in his progeny, being handed down from father to son, during the current period 辞蹿听蝉补迟谤听[concealment] initiated by al-Tayyib’s own concealment. The news of al-Tayyib’s birth was a source of rejoicing at the Sulayhid court. For this event, we also have the eyewitness report of al-Khattab, who was then assistant to the聽诲补士颈聽al-Dhu’ayb.17聽From that time until her death, the aged Sulayhid queen made every effort to consolidate the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补聽on behalf of al-Tayyib; and al-Dhu’ayb and other leaders of the聽诲补士飞补聽in Sulayhid Yemen, henceforth called聽al-诲补士飞补 al-Tayyibiyya, collaborated closely with Sayyida. It was soon after 526/1132 that Sayyida declared al-Dhu’ayb as聽al-诲补士颈 al-mutlaq, 辞谤听诲补士颈聽with absolute authority. Having earlier broken her relations with Fatimid Egypt, by this measure she also made the 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽independent of the Sulayhid state, a wise measure that was to ensure the survival of Tayyibi Isma士ilism after the downfall of the Sulayhid state. 罢丑别听诲补士颈 mutlaq聽was now in fact empowered to conduct the聽诲补士飞补聽activities on behalf of the hidden 罢补测测颈产颈听imam. This marked the foundation of the independent 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽in Yemen under the leadership of a聽诲补士颈 mutlaq, a title retained by al-Dhu’ayb’s successors.18聽罢丑别听诲补士颈聽al-Dhu’ayb thus became the first of the absolute聽诲补士颈s, who have followed one another during the current period 辞蹿听蝉补迟谤听in the history of Tayyibi Isma士ilism.

罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽

As noted, al-Dhu’ayb was initially assisted by al-Khattab b. al-Hasan, who belonged to a family of the chiefs of al-Hajur, another Hamdani clan. An important Isma士ili author and Yemenite poet, al-Khattab himself was the Hajuri聽蝉耻濒迟补苍听who fought as a brave warrior on behalf of the Sulayhid queen. His loyalty to Sayyida Hurra and his military services to the Isma士ili cause contributed significantly to the success of the early 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽in difficult

times. Al-Khattab was killed in 533/1138, a year after the queen had died. On al- Khattab’s death, al-Dhu’ayb designated Ibrahim b. alHusayn al-Hamidi, belonging to the Hamidi clan of the聽Banu Hamdan, as his new assistant; and on al-Dhu’ayb’s death in 546/1151, Ibrahim (d. 557/1162) succeeded to the headship of the 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽as the second聽诲补士颈 mutlaq. Al Dhu’ayb, al-Khattab, and Ibrahim were in fact the earliest leaders of the 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽who, under the supreme guidance and patronage of Sayyida, consolidated this branch of lsma士ilism in Yemen. The 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补聽had now become completely independent of both the Fatimid regime and the Sulayhid state, and this explains why it survived the fall of both dynasties and managed in subsequent centuries, without any political support, to spread successfully in Yemen and western India. That the minoritarian Musta士li-Tayyibi community of the Isma士ilis exists at all today is indeed mainly due to the foresight and leadership of Sayyida Hurra, much in the same way that the survival of the majoritarian Isma’ili community of the聽Nizaris聽may be attributed in no small measure to the success of Hasan-i Sabbah in founding the independent Nizari聽诲补士飞补, while in both instances the imams themselves had remained inaccessible to their followers.

End of the Sulayhid dynasty

The Malika Sayyida Hurra bint Ahmad al-Sulayhi died in 532/1138, after a long and eventful rule. Her death marked the effective end of the Sulayhid dynasty, which held on to some scattered fortresses in Yemen for a few decades longer. A most capable ruler, Sayyida occupies a unique place in the annals of Isma士ilism, not only because she was the sole woman to occupy the highest ranks of the Isma士ili聽诲补士飞补聽hierarchy and to lead the Yemenite聽诲补士飞补聽in turbulent times, but more significantly because she in effect was largely responsible for the founding of the independent Musta士li 罢补测测颈产颈听诲补士飞补, which still has followers in Yemen, India, Pakistan, and elsewhere. It should also be noted here that the Tayyibi Isma士ilis have been responsible for preserving a large portion of the Isma士ili texts produced during the Fatimid period, and the preservation of this Isma士ili literature too may be attributed largely to Sayyida’s foresight. The queen Sayyida’s devotion to Isma士ilism and the cause of al-Tayyib found its final expression in her will in which she bequeathed her renowned collection of jewelry to聽Imam聽al-Tayyib.19

This remarkable Isma士ili Sulayhid woman of the medieval Islamic world was buried in the mosque of Dhu Jibla that she had erected herself. And throughout the centuries, Sayyida’s grave has served as a place of pilgrimage for Muslims of diverse communities; the pilgrims not always being aware of her Isma士ili Shi士i connection. Various attempts were made in medieval times by聽Zaydis聽and other enemies of the Isma士ilis in Yemen to destroy the mosque of Dhu Jibla; but Sayyida Hurra’s tomb chamber, inscribed with Qur示anic verses, remained intact until it, too, was damaged in September 1993 by members of a local group who considered the established practice of visiting it to be heretical.20

1. See Idris 士Imad聽al-Din聽b. al-Hasan,聽士Uyun al-akhbar wa funun athar, ed. M. Ghalib (Beirut: Dar al-Andalus, 1973-78), vol. 5, pp. 137-38, reprinted in S.M. Stern, Studies in Early Isma士ilism (Jerusalem-Leiden: The Magnes Press, 1983), pp. 102-103.
2. Taqi聽al-Din聽Ahmad b. 士Ali al-Maqrizi,聽Kitab al-mawa iz wa’ l-i’tibar bi-dhikr al-khitat wa’l athar聽(Bulaq, 1270/1853-54), vol. 1, pp. 390-91. and vol. 2, pp. 341-42. See also H. Halm, “The Isma’ili Oath of Allegiance (‘ahd) and the ‘Sessions of Wisdom’ (尘补箩补濒颈蝉听补濒-丑颈办尘补) in Fatimid Times,” in聽Mediaeval lsma士ili History and Thought, ed. F. Daftary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), especially pp. 98-112, and H. Halm,聽罢丑别听Fatimids聽and their Traditions of Learning聽(London: I.B. Tauris, 1997), pp. 41-56.
3. See Ibn al-Tuwayr,聽Nuzhat al-muqlatayn fi akhbar al-dawlatayn, ed. A. Fu’ad聽Sayyid聽(Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1992), pp. 110-112, and S.M. Stern “Cairo as the Centre of the Isma士ili Movement,” in聽Colloque international sur l’histoire du Caire聽(Cairo: Ministry of Culture, 1972, p. 441, reprinted in Stern, Studies, pp. 242- 43.
4. ‘Umara b. 士Ali al-Hakami,聽Ta’rikh al-Yaman, ed. and trans. Henry C. Kay, in his聽Yaman, its Early Mediaeval History聽(London: E. Arnold, 1892), text pp. 1-102, translation pp. 1-137; more recently, this history has been edited by Hasan S. Mahmud (Cairo: Maktabat Misr, 1957).
5. See Idris ‘Imad聽al-Din,聽士Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 7, Arabic manuscript 230, 鸟大大影院 Library, London, containing the history of the聽Sulayhids聽on fols. 1-222, with fols. 117v-222v devoted to Sayyida Hurra. See A. Gacek, Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts in the Library of 鸟大大影院 (London: Islamic Publications, 1984-85), vol. 1, pp.136- 40.
6. In this article I have drawn on the following works by H.F. al-Hamdani: “The Doctrines and History of the Isma士ili Da士wat in Yemen,” (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1931), especially pp. 27-47; “The Life and Times of Queen Saiyidah Arwa the Sulaihid of the Yemen,”聽Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society聽18 (1931): 505-17, and聽al-Sulayhiyyun wa’1haraka al-Fatimiyya fi’l–Yaman聽(Cairo: Maktabat Misr, 1955), especially pp. 141-211, which is still the best modern study on the subject. Some recent publications on Sayidda Hurra, including L. al-Imad’s “Women and Religion in the Fatimid Caliphate: The Case of al-Sayyida al-Hurra, Queen of Yemen,” in聽Intellectual Studies on Islam: Essays written in Honor of Martin B. Dickson, ed. M.M. Mazzaoui and V.B. Moreen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990), pp. 137-44, and聽Fatima聽Mernissi’s聽The Forgotten Queens of Islam, trans. M.J. Lakeland (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993), pp. 139-58, provide new perspectives without adding significant details to al-Hamdani’s studies. See also F. Krenkow, s.v. “Sulaihi,” EI(I), ed. M.Th. Houtsma et al. (Leiden-London: E.J. Brill, 1913-38), Vol. 4, pp. 515-17; M. Ghalib,聽A士lam al Isma士iliyya聽(Beirut: Dar al-Yaqza, 1964), pp. 143-53;聽Khayr聽al-Din聽al-Zarkali, al-A’lam, 3rd ed. (Beirut: Khayr聽al-Din聽al-Zarikli, 1969), vol. I, p. 279, and 士Umar R. Kahhala,聽A士lam al-nisa’, 3rd ed. (Beirut: Mu’asisat al-Risala, 1999), vol. 1, pp. 253-54.
7. See Idris,聽士Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 5, pp.31-44; Ibn Malik al-Yamani,聽Kashf asrar al-Batiniyya wa-akhbar al-Qaramita, ed. M.Z. al-Kawthari (Cairo: Matab士at al-Anwar, 1939), pp. 39-42, written for a Yemenite Sunni jurist who lived at the time of the founder of the Sulayhid dynasty; he later became an Isma士ili but then abjured and produced this anti-Isma士ili treatise which is also reproduced in聽Akhbar al-Qaramita, ed. S. Zakkar, 2nd ed. (Damascus: Dar Nissan, 1982), pp. 243-48. Ibn Malik’s work evidently served as the primary source on the early Isma士ili 诲补士飞补 in Yemen for all subsequent Sunni historians of Yemen, including Baha聽al-Din聽al-Janadi (d. 732/1332), who reproduces Ibn Malik’s list of the Yemenite 诲补士颈s in his聽Akhbar al-Qaramita bi’l Yaman, ed. and trans. Kay, in his聽Yaman, text pp. 150-52, translation pp. 208-12. See also al Hamdani,聽al-Sulayhiyyun, pp. 49 – 61.
8. A. Hamdani, “The 诲补士颈 Hatim Ibn Ibrahim al-Hamidi [d. 596 H/1199AD] and his Book Tuhfat al-Qulub,”聽Oriens聽23-24 (1970-71): especially 270-79.
9. See Abu Tamim Ma’add al-Mustansir bi’llah,聽al-Sijillat al-Mustansiriyya, ed. ‘Abd al Mun’im Majid (Cairo: Dar al-Fikr al-‘Arabi, 1954), and H.F. al-Hamdani, “The Letters of al Mustansir bi’llah,”聽Bulletin of the School of Oriental (and African) Studies 7 (1934): 307-24, describing the contents of the letters.
10. F Daftary,聽The Isma’ilis: Their History and Doctrines聽(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 227ff.
11. See al-Qadi al-Nu士man b. Mubammad,聽Ta’wil al-da士a’im, ed. M. H. al-A’zami (Cairo: Dar al-Ma’irif bi-Misr, 1967-72), vol. 2, p. 74, and vol. 3, pp. 48-49; Abu Ya’qub al-Sijistani,聽Ithbat al-nubuwwat, ed. ‘Arif Tamir (Beirut: al-Matba’a al-Kathulikiyya, 1966), p. 172; Ibn Hawqal,聽Kitab surat al-ard聽ed. J. H. Kramers, 2nd ed. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1938-39), p. 310, and Daftary,聽The IsmailisAdherents of a branch of Shi’i Islam that considers Ismail, the eldest son of the Shi’i Imam Ja士far al-峁⒛乨iq (d. 765), as his successor., pp. 228-2.9.
12. Al-Khattab b. al-Hasan, Ghayat al-mawalid, Arabic manuscript 249. The Institute of Isma士ili Studies Library, London, fols. 4r-8r; see Gacek, Catalogue, vol. 1, p. 21. See also I.K. Poonawala, al-Sultan al-Khattab (Cairo: Dar al-Ma’arif bi-Misr, 1967), pp.78-80, and S.M. Stern, “The Succession to the Fatimid聽Imam聽al-Amir, the Claims of the Later聽Fatimids聽to the聽Imamate, and the Rise of Tayyibi Isma士ilism,”聽Oriens, 4 (1951): 221, 227-28, reprinted in S.M. Stern, History and Culture in the Medieval Muslim World (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984), article XI.
13. 础濒-惭耻蝉迟补苍蝉颈谤,听al-Sijillat, pp. 167-69, 203-06, and al-Hamdani, “Letters,” pp. 321-24.
14. See al-Maqrizi,聽Itti士az al-hunafa’, ed. J. al-Shayyal and M.H.M. Ahmad (Cairo, 1967-73), vol. 3, p. 103.
15. 罢丑颈蝉听蝉颈箩颈濒濒听is preserved in the seventh volume of the聽士Uyun al-akhbar聽of the 诲补士颈 Idris and in other Tayyibi sources; it is also quoted in ‘Umara, Ta’rikh, text pp. l00-102, translation pp. 135- 36. See also Stern, “Succession,” p. 194ff, and al-Hamdani,聽al-Sulayhiyyun, pp. 183-84, 321-22.
16. Ibn Muyassar,聽Akhbar Misr,聽ed. A. Fu’ad聽Sayyid聽(Cairo: Institut Fran莽ais d’Arch茅ologie Orientale,1981), pp. 109-110.
17. The relevant passage from al-Khattab’s聽Ghayat al-mawalid聽is also contained in W. Ivanow,聽Isma士ili Tradition Concerning the Rise of the聽Fatimids聽(London. H. Milford for the Islamic Research Association, 1942.), pp. 37-38; English translation in Stern, “Succession,” pp. 223-24.
18. The earliest history of the Tayyibi 诲补士飞补 in Yemen is related by the 诲补士颈 Hatim b. Ibrahim in his unpublished聽Tuhfat al-qulub. The 诲补士颈 Idris has biographical accounts of al-Dhu’ayb and his successors in his unpublished聽‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 7, and聽Nudhat al-afkar.聽See also Daftary,聽The Ismailis, p. 285ff.
19. Sayyida’s testament, containing a detailed description of her collection of jewels, has been preserved by Idris in his聽士Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 7, reproduced in al-Hamdani,聽al-Sulayhiyyun,
20. I owe this information to Tim Mackintosh-Smith, a long-time resident of Yemen.